Emily Davies, Advocate of Higher Education for Women

Emily Davies, Advocate of Higher Education for Women Known for:â founding Girton College,â advocate of womens higher educationDates: April 22, 1830 - July 13, 1921Occupation: instructor, women's activist, womens rights advocateAlso Known as: Sarah Emily Davies About Emily Davies Emily Davies was conceived in Southampton, England. Her dad, John Davies, was a minister and her mom, Mary Hopkinson, an instructor. Her dad was an invalid, enduring an apprehensive condition. In Emilys adolescence, he ran a school notwithstanding his work in the parish. Eventually, he surrendered his ministry post and school to concentrate on composing. Emily Davies was secretly instructed run of the mill for young ladies of that time. Her siblings were sent to class, yet Emily and her sister Jane were instructed at home, concentrating primarily on family unit obligations. She breast fed two of her kin, Jane and Henry, through their fights with tuberculosis. In her twenties, Emily Davies companions included Barbara Bodichon and Elizabeth Garrett, promoters of womens rights. She met Elizabeth Garrett through shared companions, and Barbara Leigh-Smith Bodichon out traveling with Henry to Algiers, where Bodichon was additionally spending the winter. The Leigh-Smith sisters appear to have been the first to acquaint her with women's activist thoughts. Davies disappointment at her own inconsistent instructive open doors was starting there coordinated into progressively political sorting out for change for womens rights. Two of Emilys siblings passed on in 1858. Henry kicked the bucket of tuberculosis which had denoted his life, and William of wounds continued in the battling in the Crimea, however he had proceeded onward to China before his demise. She invested some energy with her sibling Llewellyn and his better half in London, where Llewellyn was an individual from certain circles that advanced social change and feminism. She went to addresses of Elizabeth Blackwellâ with her companion Emily Garrett. In 1862, when her dad kicked the bucket, Emily Davies moved to London with her mom. There, she altered a women's activist distribution, The Englishwomans Journal, for a period, and helped found the Victoria magazine. She distributed a paper on ladies in the clinical calling for the Congress of the Social Science Organization.â Not long after moving to London, Emily Davies started working for the confirmation of ladies to advanced education. She upheld for the affirmation of young ladies to London University and to Oxford and Cambridge. Whenever she was given the chance, she found, on short notification, in excess of eighty female candidates to take tests at Cambridge; many passed and the accomplishment of the exertion in addition to some campaigning prompted opening the tests to ladies regularly. She likewise campaigned for young ladies to be admitted to auxiliary schools. In the administration of that crusade, she was the principal lady to show up as a specialist observer at an illustrious commission. She additionally got associated with the more extensive womens rights development, including upholding for womens testimonial. She sorted out for John Stuart Mills 1866 request to Parliament for womens rights. That equivalent year, she likewise composed Higher Education for Women. In 1869, Emily Davies was a piece of a gathering that opened a womens school, Girton College, following quite a long while of arranging and sorting out. In 1873 the establishment moved to Cambridge. It was Britains first womens school. From 1873 to 1875, Emily Davies filled in as paramour of the school, at that point she burned through thirty additional years as Secretary to the school. This school turned out to be a piece of Cambridge University and started conceding full degrees in 1940. She likewise proceeded with her testimonial work. In 1906 Emily Davies headed an assignment to Parliament. She restricted the militancy of the Pankhursts and their wing of the testimonial development. In 1910, Emily Davies distributed Thoughts on Some Questions Relating to Women. She passed on in 1921.

When The Air Hits Your Brain Essays - Neurosurgery,

At the point when The Air Hits Your Brain This is the book that each neurosurgeon might want to have composed their rendition of, yet likely hadn't the time. It is the record of a neurosurgeon's preparation from clinical school as far as possible of residency, for this situation in an American preparing program during the 1970s and 80s. Despite the fact that focused on the open instead of at neurosurgeons, I was unable to put it down. Obviously, I am one-sided: I am most likely much a similar age as the creator and shared a significant number of his encounters, or possibly the British form of them. I perceive similar weights on junior staff, similar advancements in our forte, and similar sorts of character, and I could tell the same number of stories. He even worked for a spell at the National Hospital for Neurology and Neurosurgery, and, however they are masked, I absolutely perceived a few of the specialists portrayed. In his amazing introduction, the writer sets out the raison d'?tre for the book?to desanctify neurosurgeons and to uncover the irregular idea of their determination and the dehumanizing part of neurosurgical preparing which delivers a normalized item. That he flops in a portion of these targets isn't generally an analysis. His managers and associates, as all specialists, were not normalized however shared some regular attributes. Notwithstanding the preparation procedure, he appears not to have been dehumanized, for he expounds on neurosurgical disasters with affectability, regardless of whether he recommends that a portion of his companions were. The arbitrary choice doesn't appear to have been really awful a thing possibly; I am certain it prompts an all the more fascinating gathering of students. For the creator, and for me also, preparing was an awesome time, gaining from a lot of genuine characters who focal throwing couldn't have devised. It was very tiring in those far away long stretches of rotas of one of every two and more terrible, however continually energizing and absolutely including. Simply in the wake of preparing the anguish starts, when the buck stops with the specialist at the top. Vertosick's story is commendably clear. It is captivating my mom as I compose, and she says everything bodes well. Disclosing neurological infection to your patients is troublesome; to do it successfully all through an entire book is a genuine accomplishment. It is all there?the shocking encounters of serious cerebrum injury, the macho universe of subarachnoid drain and aneurysms, the disappointment of agony the board, the catastrophes of essential harmful mind tumors, the occasionally sudden triumphs of kindhearted tumor medical procedure, and considerably more other than. Medication Essays

Advertising Discussion Questions - 275 Words

Advertising Discussion Questions (Essay Sample) Content: Name Instructor Course Date Advertising Discussion Questions The concern of most advertising writers that research data undermines creativity in advertising seems to be farfetched and misplaced. Therefore, it is wrong to generalize that research data inhibits creativity in advertising. The bulk of available research on advertising recognizes that advertising is a powerful method for influencing consumers in terms of their purchasing decisions (Sasser Koslow 12). Furthermore, most contemporary marketing scholars agree that there is a strong relationship between the quality of a product or service and the quality of the advertising campaign. As such, the best advertising campaigns in terms of their creativity always appeal to the most consumers. This in itself implies that existing scientific data on advertising creativity recognizes the need for creativity. Advertising creativity is a relatively new field in research, having emerged in the early 1960s. Nevertheless, there are huge chunks of research information emanating from numerous qualitative and quantitative studies conducted since then (Sasser Koslow 9). However, some scholars feel that since the emergence of this field, creativity in advertising has been limited. On the contrary, advertising research is based on five key pillars namely that an advertising campaign must be evocative, imaginative, risky, challenging, and exciting. This underscores the significance of creative advertising in marketing research. Sasser and Koslow (5) introduced the concept of 3Ps i...

Exploring The Foundation Knowledge Of Program Planning

This chapter was very interesting explaining how exploring foundation knowledge of program planning is evaluated. Program planning is examined in five ways, adult learning, cultural differences, relationship building, power and interests, and technology. Knowing how adults learn and how to operate a constructed program that will connect with all adults. Adult programs consist of continuing education, psychology, sociology, anthropology, neurosciences, and cultural studies (Caffarella Daffron, 2013). Adult education is a field that mature students returns to college and choose as a major. Adult learning discusses different programs that adult learners may be interested in continuing their education. Today there is many programs that adults can experience and learn about to help them decided how to continue their education in life. Adult learning is having a clear picture of how adults learn and how this in turn affects the program planning process. Many adults are not sure abo ut what they want to do with their lives after high school. There are many programs that will help you to decided, what you want to do with your life. This is where adult education programs can help you decided on the importance of education. There are three content areas that connects with adult learning and planning education within the adult. Knowles state that the adult learner, learns from their experiences. Experiences is how adults live their everyday lives and make conciseShow MoreRelatedImportance Of Graduate Standard 2946 Words   |  4 Pagespage will provide information about Graduate Standard 2-Know the Content and how to teach it through evidence supporting my knowledge and professional experience about this standard. 2.1 Content and teaching strategies of the teaching area Aside from knowing the children and how they learn, knowing the content and how to teach it is a huge part of teaching. Content knowledge is something which I am very familiar with – much of the required content is covered in subject study and some educationalRead MoreEssay Financing a Small Business1539 Words   |  7 Pagesinnovation. The most common reasons for starting a business according to the Small Business Administration are: to be your own boss, to accommodate a desired lifestyle, to achieve financial independence, to enjoy creative freedom, and finally to use knowledge or skills. Starting a business can be exhilarating and wildly fulfilling. However, it can be quite complicated, and may challenge you in ways you had not imagined. Knowing the challenges and problems you may encounter in your start-up can help youRead MoreMy Role As An Educator1014 Words   |  5 Pagestheir own individual way. They are viewed as being naturally curious about the environment around them, are full of knowledge, creativity and have potential that they want connect to the world around them by exploring freely. Children learn best through playing and exploring the environment around them freely. There is nothing better that to get acquainted with nature and exploring real life experiences. As an educator, we have to recognize the child as a whole and base our curriculum according toRead MoreThe Five Identified Capabilities in SACE871 Words   |  4 PagesStudying as a year 10 student, the next few years of school are extremely important to my future and planning is essential because it will make major changes in future life. There are 5 identified capabilities in SACE which students should aim and focus, to achieve a successful outcome. The idea of these guidelines of communication, citizenship, personal development, work and learning is to help connect learning with the personal attributes needed to live, work, be an active person and outshine inRead MoreCareer Goals1008 Words   |  5 Pagescontribution analyst. Now, as I once again evaluate what I want my career to be, I am considering that advice again. What do I like to do? I enjoy solving problems in the areas of retirement services and defined contribution plans. Retirement planning is important to everyone, and it will only become more important as time goes on. In the next few years, after successfully earning my MBA at Columbia, I would like to seek a position as a defined contribution analyst in an international finance Read MoreAn Project On White Tail Crop Damage Reduction System1719 Words   |  7 Pagesspark generator Yes Connect program Arduino Microcontroller, solenoid and spark generator Yes install and program LCD screen and button/keypad Yes Build a perimeter intrusion detection system. determine appropriate size of PVC mount Yes attach laser to tripod Yes determine light level received by photo resistor from laser Yes determine appropriate size of PVC to keep daylight light level below laser light level Yes mount photoresistor to tripod Yes program to send detection of intrusionRead MoreEducation is the Key for the Poverty-Stricken Battle845 Words   |  3 Pageshumanity has, and the ability to utilize the intelligence obtained has the power of solution through creative thinking. There is a secondary source revolving around a consumer and successful business activity and existence thereof. The sharing of knowledge of how both affect the American plague of poverty with a view of promise may shine bright upon the darkened road of the living with instead of without. How to address the strategy of combating poverty revolves around targeting the root problem toRead MoreSweden Tourism1443 Words   |  6 Pagesis there iron and steel, footwear, pharmaceuticals, paper, oil, machinery and electrical equipment. Sweden is known to have one of the highest life expectancies and the lowest birth rate countries in the world. There is an extensive social welfare program that provides care before and after the pregnancy, pensions for the elderly and other benefits that is covered through health care. The services are paid by the taxation which is on of the highest in the world. The amount of goods exported and importedRead MoreThe Homeland Security And Risk Management Programs1213 Words   |  5 Pagesappropriately coordinate risk management programs while acknowledging elements of focus in regards to different assets and the manner in which these assets are used. The homeland security uses risk assessments on all areas, which this paper will be focusing on , to determine how to maintain the condition of an asset as well as assist it in maintaining its overall goal. This paper will discuss how the Homeland Security utilizes risk management programs, how this program benefits resource allocation/ grantRead MoreProject Individual Reflection Paper And Project Group1389 Words   |  6 Pagesthe assessment course, I have gained an immense amount of knowledge and a plethora of assessment practice. The project framework allows me to contribute in the WMU’s strategic plan initiatives in developing a project about the Signature designation while taking the course. In here, I was able to create a variety of project’s products, such as project proposal, poster and project’s presentation and evaluation. This paper reflects my knowledge and experience in the accomplishing of the assessment course

Debt covenant violations and managers accounting responses Assignment

Essays on Debt covenant violations and managers' accounting responses Assignment Debt-covenant Violation and Managers Accounting Responses al affiliation and number Debt-covenant  violation  and managers accounting responses, a journal article by Sweeney looks at the accounting changes, costs of default, and accounting-based covenants violated by 130 firms. Sweeney describes how managers achieve their goals of defaulting agreements through net worth and working capital restrictions as set by companies. Sweeney intensely explains the change in accounting procedures, the types of accounting procedures that undergo changes, the  appropriate  time managers make the changes, the extent to which the alterations affect the restrictiveness of accounting-based covenantsi. Sweeney keenly points out how managers change accounting procedures as they  opt  to respond to the tightening debt-covenant constraints. Sweeney explains  further  on how managers change accounting procedures in order to  reflect  the magnitude  of the earnings  effect  in cases of tightening debt-covenant constraint.  The earnings affect the  magnitude of the accounting changes need to relate to the magnitude of the change in the decline in liquidityii.  Majority of the losses and  dividend  reductions by defaulting companies  arise  in  order to  refrain itself from the binding covenants. Indeed, Sweeney affirms that managers  change  to income-increasing accounting procedures as the company encounters technical default. Sweeney laid down the  various  types of accounting procedures that undergo changes, in an  attempt  to ensure execution of contract violation is successful. Sweeney surveys how companies  alter  the depreciation and ICT methods in order to  violate  the contractual obligation. However, a default would have little opportunity to increase reported earning via changes in depreciation and ICT method. Companies  violate  the accounting procedures that include those of the preparations of the net-worth and working capital documentation. However, debt-equity ratio and income based covenants are least violated as they do not have a lot of  influence  on the company’s  violation  of debt-constraint agreement.  Even though adjustments  will  favor the company the charges on the debts will still  stand. Sweeney explains that there exists an appropriate time when the managers seek to  default  the contractual obligation. Sweeney explains how  uniformity  in default occurs within a control sample accounts for industry-wide accounting policies. Therefore, firms in the same  industry  always face similar contracting and financial reporting problems this eventually leads to uniformity in the application of accounting policiesiii. As a result, firms that operate in the same industry tend to change accounting procedures to  suit  them appropriately at the same time when all the other firms in the  industry  are set  to  execute  the default. Indeed, Sweeney concurs to the fact that there is  an extent  to which the alterations affect the restrictiveness of accounting-based covenants.  Sweeney keenly explains that a default is more  precise  when it leads to difficult situations  for companies  that have proven not to  oblige  to its agreement with the lending firm.  In addition, firms that tend to  default  face  restrictions in terms of accessing further borrowing that puts them in a bad  state  as they cannot  access  credit facilities. Sweeney explains that when managers change accounting procedures depend on whether the lenders will  impose  an interest rate on default cost for the company or notiv.  In this case, most companies will cautiously avoid default as it would  lead  them to an  extremely  worse financial position due to increased interest rates charged on outstanding debt. Indeed, Sweeney explains that managers of the companies that have loans should not  default  them as it would  lead  to  extreme  implications. Default of the debt-constraint agreement would affect the company’s financial position as it cannot gain access to  loan  facilitiesv. It is  crucial  for companies to fulfill its contractual obligation by observing the accounting procedures. Sweeney. A. (1994). Debt-covenant violations and managers’ accounting responses. North Holland. Journals of Accounting and Economics. 17 :281-308.

Law free essay sample

This tort is defamation since it can harm the company’s reputation. This written defamation, or libel, falls under the element of specificity because the statement is about a specific party, business and product. In order to receive damages, BUGusa, Inc. will have to prove they suffered financial harm from this statement. If so, explain. Wiretime, Inc. has committed business competition tort or interference tort. Janet has a non-compete clause in her contract with BUGusa, Inc. , which is valid for additional years. Janet’s contract with BUGusa, Inc. states that she is not to work for a competitor while she is still employed with them, is fired from the company, or resigns. Wiretime, Inc. could be liable for damages because they intentionally interfered with a valid contractual relationship between Janet and BUGusa, Inc. (Zuber, 2009). Janet can also be liable for breaking her contract. He did not intentionally hit him but his speeding contributed to the accident. We will write a custom essay sample on Law or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Randy was negligent in his driving BUGusa, Inc. ’s vehicle. BUGusa’s defense could be held under absolute privilege which states that all federal officials have immunity in the Constitution via the â€Å"speech and debate clause† and BUGusa contracts with the federal government as well, making them a federal official as well. Melvin, S. P. (2011). Fundamentals of the Legal Environment of Business. Retrieved from The University of Phoenix eBook Collection database University of Phoenix. (2013). BUGusa, Inc. Multimedia]. Retrieved from University of Phoenix, Law/421 website. Scenario: BUGusa, Inc. (Sally) Sally may have a successful case against BUGusa, Inc. , for what torts? Explain your answer. Officer Sally DoGood has a successful case that can fall under two torts. The first tort is the negligence tort. Negligence is an accidental (without willful intent) event that caused harm to another party (Melvin, 2011). BUGusa, Inc. did not intentionally mean to harm Of ficer DoGood with its product but the company did know that the older models did not have the insulator to prevent the shorting. The shorting of the equipment Officer DoGood was using caused harm to her. The company did not include the insulator to the older models because of the production cost. The second tort that could be used in Officer DoGood’s case is the strict liability tort. According to Nolo Law For All (2013), strict liability is automatic responsibility for damages due to manufacture or use of equipment or materials that are inherently dangerous, such as explosives, animals, poisonous snakes, or assault weapons. A person injured by such equipment or materials does not have to prove the manufacturer or operator was negligent in order to recover money damages. BUGusa, Inc. knew that the older model equipment was defective but did not go back and installed the insulators to the older models but installed them in the new models that Shady Town Policy had not purchased yet.

Marxian Development free essay sample

Just as Darwin discovered the law of development of organic nature, so Marx discovered the law of development of human history: †¦ [that] the degree of economic development attained by a given people or during a given epoch form[s] the foundation upon which the state institutions, the legal conceptions, art, and even the ideas on religion, of the people concerned have been evolved, and in the light of which they must, therefore, be explained, instead of vice versa, as had hitherto been the case. † (Engels [1883], 467). Engels’ eulogy, delivered at Marx’s burial in 1883, is an assertion of Marx’s pre-eminent role as a theorist of development in general and of the fundamental importance of economic development for Marxism. This essay briefly outlines Marx’s own ideas on the process and the ways in which later Marxists have built on and adapted these ideas. Marx viewed human history as a giant spiral tracing the development of the productivity of labour (the forces of production) in relation to the changing social structure within which production took place (the social relations of production). We will write a custom essay sample on Marxian Development or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The forces of production tend to grow through history[ii], although at varying speeds depending on whether the social relations create a favourable or unfavourable climate for material progress. At key moments the forces of production find themselves held back by the form of society and this creates pressure for revolutionary transition from one social system to another, for instance from feudalism to capitalism, which was to play a pivotal role in the development of human history. Being a system driven by the pursuit of profit in competitive conditions, capitalism would impel a sharp acceleration in the development of the productive forces to such an extent that the universal elimination of want and of involuntary labour could become possible. But capitalism was also a uniquely unequal system, polarizing people into a minority of property owners and a majority of propertyless proletarians. Under capitalism the elimination of want was potential, only realizable after a transition to a fully socialist society. In that way Marx envisioned human society both advancing along the axis of scientific and material progress while at the same time following a circular movement from primitive communism, through various forms of class society and ultimately to a new communism and equality which would be combined with an advanced state of development of the forces of production[iii]. Marx regarded capitalism as a system which is abhorrent because it rests on exploitation and generates inequality but historically progressive because it brings about an unprecedented development of the productive forces and creates its own â€Å"gravediggers†, the propertyless working class. From his early writings until the publication of the first volume of Capital in 1867, Marx had three great expectations. The first (repetition) was that the rapid capitalist industrialization which he observed in Britain would soon be repeated in other parts of the world. The country that is more developed industrially† he wrote, â€Å"only shows, to the less developed, the image of its own future. † (Marx [1867]).. The second expectation (universalization) was that the spread of capitalist growth would lead not to independent capitalist countries but to a single, unified interdependent system. In the Communist Manifesto Marx and Engels expounded a famous vision of the way ca pitalism would pervade the globe: The bourgeoisie has, through its exploitation of the world market, given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. †¦ All old-established national industries †¦ are dislodged by new industries †¦ that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. †¦ In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. (Marx and Engels [1848]) The third expectation (utopia) was that a revolutionary proletariat would â€Å"expropriate the expropriators† and install a society of freedom, both freedom from want and freedom for humans to realize their capacities. In this utopia[iv] the existing division of labour would end, multi-faceted work would â€Å"become not only a means of life but life’s prime want† and â€Å"society [could] inscribe on its banners: from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs! † (Marx 1985[1875]) II Second thoughts? Marx’s favourite motto was ‘de omnibus dubitandum’ and his later writings often hint at some second thoughts about all three of his development expectations. This was not only because events were moving slower than he had foreseen; his theoretical work, too, began to suggest possible contradictions with his earlier predictions. The urgent and universalist tone which suffused earlier writings gave way to more complex treatments of the forces leading to monopoly and capitalist concentration and to economic crisis which might slow or halt capitalist growth before it had created the productive basis for communism. The main pressure to rethink his expectations came from problems in applying Marxist ideas to contemporary politics. Among those were his attitudes to British imperialism in India, the question of national liberation in general and prospects of a transition to socialism in Russia. Marx had initially believed that: â€Å"England †¦ in causing a social revolution in Hindoostan, was actuated only by the vilest interests, and was stupid in her manner of enforcing them. But that is not the question. The question is, can mankind fulfil its destiny without a fundamental revolution in the social state of Asia? If not, whatever may have been the crimes of England she was the unconscious tool of history in bringing about that revolution†. (Marx [1853a]) He confidently predicted that â€Å"[t]he millocracy [industrial capitalists] have discovered that the transformation of India into a reproductive country has become of vital importance to them and that, to that end †¦ [t]hey intend now drawing a net of railroads over India. And they will do it. † (Marx [1853b]) In later years Marx came to give more weight to the crimes and less to the hope of economic transformation, becoming more supportive of the anti-colonial struggle. By 1881, two years before this death, both the tone and the content had shifted: â€Å"What the British take †¦ from them (the Indians) without any equivalent †¦ amounts to more than the total sum of the income of the 60 million of agricultural and industrial labourers of India. This is a bleeding process with a vengeance†. (Marx, 1968[1881]) There was a parallel evolution in Marx and Engels’ attitude towards other nationalist movements which they had once opposed. They supported Irish self-rule because the failure to settle the Irish question was threatening working class unity in Britain, the country where they had high hopes for the development of socialism: â€Å"the national emancipation of Ireland is no question of abstract justice or humanitarian sentiment but the first condition of [English workers’] own social emancipation† (Marx, 1975[1870]). And their support for Polish national liberation was premised on the belief that it would weaken Tsarist Russia, the regime they regarded as the main bastion of reaction in Europe. Nationalism, then, was supported in order to neutralize a cause of fissure in the proletarian movement or to weaken a particular section of the international ruling class, but not because of any general belief in the necessity of national capitalist development strategies. Marx was an fierce critic of the writings of Friedrich List (1856), advocate of a nationalist and protectionist development strategy for Germany and the United States (see Cowen and Shenton 1996, 154–69), and never abandoned the idea that the development should be universal. In 1881 the Russian revolutionary Vera Zasulik sought Marx’s guidance on the debate between Russian Marxists advocating capitalist development and the Narodniks who believed that capitalism could not develop Russia and who therefore argued for a transition to socialism based on existing peasant communes. The question clearly perplexed Marx and his reaction was not to reassert his earlier opinions; after serious study of the question he penned no less than five drafts of his reply to Zasulik without reaching a definitive position (Shanin, 1983). Some have seen these intimations of diminished expectations as fitting into a coherent whole with alongside earlier apparently more optimistic ideas (for instance, Melotti, 1977) ; others have seen Marx edging towards radically different positions (in different ways, Booth, 1985; Lim, 1992; and Shanin, 1983). Marx was certainly prepared to re-examine the three original expectations in the light of historical events and to espouse more flexible political tactics. While his thinking evidently evolved there is no convincing evidence that he fundamentally changed the idea of the ambiguous progressiveness of capitalism, the opposition to national paths to development or the nature of the socialist objective of development[v]. Nonetheless, in examining the situation in Russia, Marx had been obliged to face the possibility that capitalism might not accomplish the development of the whole world. The implication of that possibility was that perhaps something other than capitalism would have to shoulder the task of developing the productive forces – a question later followers would have to confront. III Marx’s followers – development and imperialism 15 years after Marx’s death Lenin still argued against the Narodniks that capitalism in Russia, although brutal and truncated, was historically progressive, implying that the revolutionary impulse would come from the working class (Lenin, 1977[1899]). Trotsky’s theory of combined and uneven development was a complementary way of seeing Russian peculiarities in the context of Marx’s expectations. History, he argued, did not proceed as an exact series of simultaneous transformations or even repetitions in backward ountries (Trotsky, 1969[1906] and 1977[1930]. The latter could advance unevenly in leaps; separate steps in the journey of development in the more advanced countries might be combined together in more backward ones resulting in â€Å"an amalgam of archaic with more contemporary forms† (Trotsky, 1977, 27). Trotsky used this idea to explain both why technologically backward Russia, coul d be politically advanced and also why the revolution was necessarily international. An economically backward revolutionary nation could take advantage of the forces of production in the more advanced nations[vi]. The central question confronted by Marxists in the generation which followed Marx was imperialism (for a survey, see Brewer, 1990). By the first years of the twentieth century nationalist and protectionist forms of development, exactly the kind of repetition which List had supported and Marx opposed, had produced a small group of leading countries contending for world hegemony, and ruling over rival empires. This was what Lenin called Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism (Lenin [1916]), the title of a book promoting the idea that World War I was an inter-capitalist struggle in which the working classes should oppose their own bourgeoisies, turning the inter-imperialist war into a series of revolutionary civil wars. Imperialism reached the conclusion that in an overall sense this â€Å"monopoly stage† of capitalism could no longer be considered progressive – not because economic development in all countries would cease but because competition and war between the leading imperialist powers would destroy more than capitalism could create. Permanent inter-capitalist fratricide fatally wounded Marx’s vision of universalization under capitalist relations. This analysis would be a major part of the theoretical background to the political strategy which led to the 1917 Bolshevik revolution; in ditching the universalization expectation Lenin transformed the nature of the utopian one. Lenin’s book and that of his fellow Bolshevik Nicolai Bukharin [1915] were influenced by the Social Democrat Rudolf Hilferding whose remarkable Finance Capital was published in 1910 (Hilferding, 1981[1910]). Building on Marx’s later writings, Hilferding furnished a detailed analysis of the new monopoly stage of capitalism. Finance capital was the bloc formed in all leading countries between industrial, commercial and banking capital – a â€Å"holy trinity†, to which the state became the slavish servant. Hilferding argued that the epoch of finance capital meant that Marx’s repetition expectation had only been realized in a limited number of countries and that to some extent it had been replaced by new obstacles to the development of weaker countries. He sounded a whole series of pre-echoes of views which later became commonplace: â€Å"As long as the export of capital served primarily for the construction of a transport system and the development of consumer goods industries in a backward country, it contributed to the economic development, in a capitalist form, of that country. Even so, †¦ [t]he bulk of the profit flowed abroad †¦ [which] slows down enormously the pace of accumulation, and hence the further development of capitalism, in the debtor country. In large economic territories †¦ a national assimilation of foreign capital soon occurred. In the small economic territories, however, this assimilation was more difficult to achieve, because an indigenous capitalist class emerged much more slowly and with greater difficulty. Such emancipation became quite impossible when the character of capital exports changed, and the capitalist class in the large economic territories became less concerned with establishing consumer goods industries in foreign countries than with acquiring control over raw materials for their ever growing producers’ goods industries. [The] capitalist development [of the weaker European countries], and along with it their political and financial development, was stunted at the outset. As economic tributaries of foreign capital, they also became second-class states, dependent on the protection of the great powers. † (Hilferding, 1981[1910], p. 329–30) Rosa Luxemburg, another theorist of imperialism of this epoch also saw the export of capital as prejudicial to peripheral countries (such as Egypt and South Africa), especially to their poorer classes who were usually required to repay the debts incurred and wasted by their rulers (Luxemburg, 1951[1913]). But her theory of imperialism was only remotely connected with those of Hilferding, Bukharin and Lenin. Arguing that capitalism suffered from a permanent shortage of demand (underconsumptionism), Luxemburg concluded that it was forced to avert collapse by absorbing non-capitalist areas and activities. Imperialism had nothing to do with monopoly or with nations; it was a systemic imperialism of capitalism as a mode of production, rapaciously seeking its surplus value from other modes of production. But this process – really a version of Marx’s primary or primitive accumulation – could not continue indefinitely since once the non-capitalist world was completely absorbed then the system would collapse. While she did not share Lenin’s view that capitalism had changed from a progressive to a retrogressive system, Luxemburg did for different reasons share his opinion that human society was approaching a precipice in which all the historical development of the productive forces would be threatened and the choice was between â€Å"socialism or barbarism†. In this they both differed from many conservative socialists who continued to believe that capitalism, left largely to itself, would develop the productive forces and the working class until socialism became both feasible and inevitable. Somewhere between the two currents, stood Karl Kautsky, who argued, to Lenin’s fury, that the epoch of conflict of the great powers would give way to a period of cooperation between them (Kautsky, 1970[1914]). This â€Å"ultraimperialism† would in many ways be worse than imperialism especially for the less developed areas of the world which would be collectively exploited by the ultraimperialist alliance. From a different viewpoint to that of Hilferding, Kautsky, too, pre-echoes the way many Marxists and left radical were to look at the world half a century later. Suddenly, at the height of these debates about imperialism, and in conditions where Marx’s expectations about the development of capitalism had not been fulfilled, Marxists found themselves with the responsibility of managing an economy in desperate need of development. IV A non-capitalist road? The new Bolshevik rulers of Russia took power still believing that the ransition to socialism required a high prior development of the forces of production and must be conducted at a global level. Once the hope of other European revolutions was betrayed the new communist state had to search for a means of survival and if possible progress. A short period of â€Å"war communism† characterized by almost total state control and the breakdown of regular exchange, gave way in 1921 to the less ambitious and stabilizing New Ec onomic Policy (NEP) under which a large measure of market autonomy was restored. Between the introduction of the NEP and Stalin’s seizure of complete power in 1928, there was a brief window in which questions of development strategy were seriously debated among Marxists. The leading protagonists were Bukharin, who increasingly leaned towards the position that the development of a capitalist agriculture was a necessary precondition for eventual industrialization and who therefore saw the more market-friendly NEP as a long term necessity, and Preobrazhensky, more sympathetic to the left opposition, who argued for a more rapid pace of industrialization, financed by squeezing a surplus out of agriculture. In a debate which has not lost its relevance[vii], both of them were searching for a way to achieve what Marx had expected of capitalism – the creation of the material conditions for socialism; they differed about whether this would occur by imitating capitalist development or by following a novel non-capitalist route. (A debate between Marxists about similar issues took place during the early years of the Cuban revolution. [viii]) Also during the 1920s G. A. Fel’dman designed two sector models, based on Volume II of Marx’s Capital, as a method of planning a socialist economy. Ellman, 1987a). His ideas were partially incorporated into Soviet planning methods and later aroused interest outside the USSR, being influential on the early Indian planners, especially P. C. Mahalanobis, and other Marxist writers on development (Ehrlich, 1978; Chakravarty, 1987; Sen, 1987). Fel’dman was politically purged, and Bukharin and Preobrazhensky were killed when Stalin imp osed â€Å"Socialism in one country†, the definitive abandonment of a universalist perspective on development. Soviet industrialization survived the trauma of forced agricultural collectivization, the world economic crisis of the 1930s and three years of Nazi invasion. A Soviet economic model established itself consisting of highly centralized planning, virtual autarchy, high rates of investment, concentration on producer goods and heavy industry in order to build a strong industrial productive base and maximize output and consumption in the long run (Bardham, 1986). The country emerged from World War II with an enhanced industrial and technological capacity. Soviet planning acquired a positive reputation just at a time when colonialism was collapsing and the development of poor countries was on the international agenda[ix]. Both India and China in different ways adopted aspects of the Soviet model, although it failed to transplant successfully. Nonetheless, the apparent existence of a road to industrialization which was not capitalist, was to have considerable impact on the evolution of Marxist ideas about development under capitalism. V Marxism and the Third World – polarization or convergence? In the decades following World War II, against the chorus of optimistic modernizing developmentalism emanating from official sources in the West, a growing number of Marxists began to argue that capitalism was no longer capable of producing economic development in the poorer parts of the world. Instead it would create growing polarization between the developed and underdeveloped countries. Foretastes of this idea of imperialism for a world after decolonization had been present in Marxist writings, including even those of Marx himself, for nearly a century. Lenin insisted that, though still progressive, capitalism in Russia was nonetheless incomplete. Hilferding came close to producing a theory of polarization. In the documents of the Third International this idea also appears at the end of the 1920s (Palma, 1978)[x] and even earlier it had a strong presence among Chinese Communists. But after the 1950s it was more emphatically asserted by influential Marxist and radical thinkers. It became enormously influential among mass movements and radical intellectuals throughout the world before strong attacks were directed gainst it by other Marxists. Its legacy is still very much alive in widespread anti-globalization sentiment. Elements of theories of inevitable polarization were already circulating among Latin American intellectuals when Paul Baran in the 1950s presented an explicitly Marxist version of it, concluding that â€Å"the capitalist system, once a mighty engine of economic development, has turned into a no less formidable hurdle to economic advancement† (Baran, 1973[1957], p. 402; also see Baran, 1952). The cause of the onset of monopoly capital, a new stage of the system characterized a general tendency in the major centres of capitalism to underconsumption and crisis, held at bay only by state spending, militarism and the exploitation of ethnic minorities and economically backward countries[xi]. Other theorists of polarization, by contrast, saw it as a process which had lasted through the four centuries of existence of a worldwide market, through which a privileged group of countries in the centre could transfer resources from the dominated countries of the periphery through plunder, unequal trade and later investment and indebtedness. Particularly influential were the writings of Andre Gunder Frank which began as an attack on modernization theories exemplified by W. W. Rostow and on the anti-revolutionary perspectives of Latin American Communist Parties. Frank transformed the meaning of the word â€Å"underdevelopment† from a pre-developmental state into a consequence of world wide capitalist development. His purpose was to anatomize what he called, in a memorable phrase, â€Å"the development of underdevelopment† during centuries of capitalist history (Frank 1969 and 1991). His name became associated with dependency theory whose influence penetrated several disciplines – economics, sociology and international relations in particular (see Kay 1989 and Larrain, 1989). An overlapping set of ideas was the world-system theory of Immanuel Wallerstein, influenced by the long-term historical outlook of Fernand Braudel (Wallerstein 1979 and 1983). Samir Amin derived polarization from an analysis of world-scale capital accumulation (Amin, 1974). Proponents of these theories differed considerably over the extent to which development was held back by involvement in the capitalist economy. To some it meant simply impoverishment, to others a more complex and variable form of dependent development (see Evans, 1979 and Cardoso and Faletto, 1979). Most of them believed that development of the poorer countries would not be possible without some clear limit to involvement in the unequalizing capitalist world market, an idea encapsulated in the title of Samir Amir’s book, Delinking (Amin, 1990). Many advocated protectionism, citing Friedrich List and Alexander Hamilton as positive historic precedents. Others, including Baran, saw the way out as repeating Soviet-style industrialization policies. Not all the advocates of dependency and world-systems theory saw themselves as Marxists in the way Baran had done[xii]; but most were strongly influenced by Marxism and have often been labelled â€Å"neo-Marxists† (by Hirschman, 1981 and Brewer, 1990, among others). Like Marx, they have analysed the world in a long historical perspective, put capitalism in the centre of their analysis, found some of the causes of the process of underevelopment in Marx’s own analysis (for instance, the plunder of the wealth of poorer regions which was one element of Marx’s primary accumulation of capital), assigned some role to classes (especially the weakness of the dependent bourgeoisie), and expounded a theory of polarization between nations and continents which was arguably a transfigured version of Marx’s idea that capitalism simultaneously created wealth and poverty. But much polarization theory stressed the divergence between countries rather than classes. While Marx saw capitalism as being progressive in spite of its barbarities, most polarization theorists have not. Lenin for one reason and later Baran for others saw the epoch of capitalism which they wrote about as having ceased to be progressive. But many dependency and world systems theorists regarded capitalism as never having been progressive. Dependency theorists have been criticised by other Marxists for regarding capitalism as an unchanging system throughout its history. Such critics contended that dependency theory failed to recognize that it is not the market and exchange which are the essence of capitalism but productive capital producing surplus value by exploiting free labour. This leads to the erroneous location of the beginning of capitalism’s great polarization of the world in the 16th century with the emergence of worldwide markets. Hence they ascribe the process of underdevelopment more to plunder and unequal exchange rather than to more essential features of the capitalism mode of production, and also as a result exaggerate the role of nation and underestimate the role of class in the generation of and the fight against world inequalities[xiii]. Most polarization theories, Marxist or not, assumed that the world was very different from the one which Marx had foreseen. Some critics have argued taken issue with this assumption. Post-imperialist† historians have argued that Marx’s universalization expectation, the fusion of capitalist countries into a single global system, is already a reality (Sklar, 1976; Becker et al, 1987); their focus is on the emergence of a single global capitalist class. In a more recent, widely discussed global hypothesis, Hardt and Negri assert that it is a world non-ruling class, the â€Å"multitude†, which is the most coherent offspring of globalization and the decl ine of states’ authorities. Their decidedly global concept of development is implicit from their main political demands – for the totally free movement of human beings across borders and for a global guaranteed basic wage and access to welfare provisions (Hardt and Negri, 2000). The â€Å"return to Marx† proposal which has been the most influential, in part because it was a frontal attack on the polarization theorists, made with the same ringing defiance as they had attacked modernization and the Latin American Communist Parties, was that of Bill Warren, in his book provocatively titled Imperialism, Pioneer of Capitalism (Warren, 1980; also see Warren, 1973). He argued that prospects for capitalist development were in fact good, that much of it had taken place since World War II, that colonialism had indeed broken obstacles to progressive social change as Marx had originally predicted, that the obstacles to capitalist development are not those involving relations with developed countries but those to be found â€Å"in the internal contradictions of the Third World itself†, that the policies of the developed countries in general foster rather than stifle industrialization in the underdeveloped ones, and that â€Å"the ties of ‘dependence’ (or subordination) binding the Third World and the imperialist orld have been and are being markedly loosened with the rise of indigenous capitalisms†[xiv]. In other words, he was arguing that Marx’s first thoughts remained valid and Marxist thinking about development from Lenin onwards was a saga of errors. Unlike some other critiques, Warren’s attack on dependenc y was in considerable part an empirical one. He stressed that the economic and social performance of the Third World was not nearly as bad as polarization theorists made out. Although a number of seemingly impartial commentaries have accepted these conclusions (for example Booth, 1985 and Brewer, 1990), it is worth mentioning that from 1950 there was a clear divergence between developed and underdeveloped countries in aggregate until as recently as the 1990s. The average GDP per head of Africa, Latin America and Asia (excluding Japan) taken together fell as a percentage of the North (USA, Canada, EU and Japan) in every year between 1950 and 1990. If China is excluded, it continues to fall up to the present (as calculated from Maddison, 2003). Nonetheless, if the empirical evidence which Warren relied upon in the 1970s seemed less than convincing, by the final years of the 20th century the rapid development of a number of Asian countries seemed to give solider support to his position, although others pointed out that none of the Asian success stories were based on free market capitalism but that all of them had depended on vigorous state intervention and protectionism. Nonetheless three decades of breakneck development in China and other parts of Asia is enough to refute the idea of continuous polarization between developed and underdeveloped countries as a global generalization; equally the continued economic decline of Africa and parts of Latin America refutes the opposite hypothesis (Leys and Saul, 1999). The last two decades have been years of extremely sharp divergence not so much between developed and underdeveloped countries but between different groups of underdeveloped countries. While the GDP per head of China (measured at purchasing power parity) has risen by 667 per cent during the years 1980 to 2004, that of Latin America by 12 per cent and that of Africa has fallen by 6 per cent (World Bank, 2005). Such a difference, over such a time, surely indicates a more complex global reality that either polarization or convergence theories assume. The dichotomy, which has ended in what has been variously described as an impasse (Booth, 1985) or mutual check-mate (Munck, 1999) needs to be transcended. Not only are there, in what was called the Third World, contradictory development tendencies; but also the extremes are extraordinarily far apart. At one extreme is Southern Africa where not only is poverty growing, but also a high proportion of the population is infected with a fatal disease which is changing the nature of society and which has reduced life expectancy by decades. At the other is China, the location of the most important surge of capitalist industrialization which has happened in history, presided over ironically by those who, without apparent embarrassment, style themselves as Marxists. The overall size of China’s GDP rose from 13 per cent of that of the USA in 1978, to 62 per cent in 2004 and at this rate will overtake it in a very few years (World Bank, 2005). This momentous shift in the centre of gravity of world capitalist accumulation creates echoes of the earlier Marxist propositions and debates about development. The advance of China suggests that the centre of capitalist accumulation has geographically shifted from the long developed countries. Will China (along with other Asian countries) reach the economic level of and challenge the hegemony of the USA? Will it become an imperialist power? Will its thirst for raw materials force it to develop parts of Africa? Or will new forms of polarization occur? And what will be the role in this story of the Chinese working class? These are the questions which Marx asked about 19th century capitalist. Marxists much try to give new answers to them today. VI Utopia, production and redistribution Since the 1980s the influence of Marxism in development has declined. The neo-liberal revival and the collapse of actually existing socialism have shifted the global political balance in favour of capitalism’s friends. But also, the long debate on imperialism had not prepared Marxism well to make major creative contributions to a number of neglected questions which have come to the fore. Major debates were, therefore, spearheaded by people of other heterodox opinions and currents, often directing their fire not only against conventional development thinking but against Marxism as well[xv]. First, feminists challenged Marxists by insisting that women’s emancipation is a task which cannot be reduced to class and development in general. It is a central part of the struggle for and the realization of socialist utopia (for a survey of arguments see Parport et al, 2000). Second, majority opinion in environmental science is that probably the universalization of development in its most widely used meaning is physically not attainable. A number of writers, however, have begun to search for Marxist answers to this and other environmental quandaries (see Lowy, 2002; Martinez Alier, 1991; O’Connor, 1998) but it remains a minority pursuit. A third issue, which partly embraces the previous two, is the nature of the objective of development. Polarization and convergence theories shared an implicit conception that development meant roughly what had been attained in developed countries. Convergence theorists forecast that most countries would reach the destination; polarizationists complained that they will not. Neither side incorporated a thorough critique of the economic and social nature of the destination itself. Booth criticised both for their â€Å"system teleology†; but perhaps the problem is more a shared failure to question the nature of the telos. The discussion of â€Å"human development†, launched by the UNDP in 1990, based on A. K. Sen’s notion of â€Å"development as freedom†, was one influential but limited attempt to do this. More fundamentalist heterodox critics have scorned all conventional (including Marxist) images of the destination of development as dystopias. From post-development or even anti-development perspectives they have rejected development as an aim and have tried to outline a more modest model which often stresses small scale communities, the maintenance of traditional cultures, a balance with nature and so on. So feminists, environmentalists, post-modernists and other radical critics of ocial and economic orthodoxy have, sometimes with validity, criticized Marxist conceptions of development as no less male-, euro-centric or unsustainable than orthodoxy itself. They have forced some self-critical rethinking about the limitations of Marxist approaches to development. Yet in a sense what all these currents of thought do is to re-pose a problem central to Marx’s original thinking about development – the definition of utopia. There are serious dangers involved in concluding from the valid parts of these criticisms that the whole concept of development, in its orthodox or Marxist version, should be thrown out like old bathwater. The baby which must be saved is Marx’s fundamental insight, picked out by Engels’ in his eulogy, that utopia must rest on an appropriate global material, economic and productive foundation. There are some elements of the often reviled, economistic modernization project which, purged of their unequal, unsustainable and imperialist form, must form a part of the journey to social emancipation. Nonetheless, human productivity is now so advanced that the forces of production are more than enough to produce all reasonable human needs if the composition and distribution of their product was different. Yet since distribution is so unequal, these forces are in fact used on a huge scale to produce unreasonable and destructive â€Å"needs† (what some have referred to as â€Å"over-development†). If the question of development is posed, in the way Marx posed it, as how to translate capitalist productivity into socialist utopia, then the main focus of development on a world scale must now be not so much on growth but increasingly on distribution.